has published a Policy Analysis looking into the prospects and challenges for the UN Action Plan in Libya.
In the analysis Fishman argues that the initiative’s success is dependent on genuine commitment from Libya’s multiple stakeholders, expansive and complementary support for UN-led dialogue by the international community rather than backing factions with mutual interests, and a noticeable upgrade to the quality of daily life for Libyans.
Detailing frustrations with the HCS for being unwilling to engage with contentious issues and unable to provide ‘conclusive solutions’ to points of disagreement, the Ho R stated that they would not pursue any further discussions until receiving in writing the HCS’s position on crucial matters.
The key issues of contention are not detailed, however they are likely to be connected to how individuals are selected for key positions and to Article 8 of the LPA.
“The Gaddafists who have no blood on their hands have done less harm to Libya than the revolutionaries who facilitated the arrival of terrorists or who resorted to kidnapping,” said Hashim Bishir, the security advisor to the UN-recognised prime minister of Libya, Fayez al-Sarraj.
The former president of the Supreme Security Council, the Salafist-leaning militia that secured Tripoli in the aftermath of the revolution, told MEE that he saw nothing wrong with the eventual candidacy of the rabble-rousing Bachir Saleh, who was at the head of an investment fund while Gaddafi was president.
In a new working paper published by Hate Speech International, Houda Mzioudet and Rhiannon Smith discuss radicalization in Tunisia and whether the country’s Transitional Justice process can help diffusing a ‘jihadist’ timebomb in the country.
The 29-page report offers insight into radicalisation and violent extremism in Tunisia, looks at its root causes and gives an overview of the Transitional Justice process and its role in the struggle against radicalization in the country.
According to the Libya Herald, a year-long covert operation by Italian police has led to the busting of a multinational gang smuggling diesel worth at least million from Zawiyya to Sicily from where it was sold on to the rest of Italy and elsewhere in Europe.During a speech in Benghazi on 14 October, Haftar claimed that the Libyan National Army (LNA) controls territory from Ras al-Jedir to west Zawiyya, and while Tripoli remains outside his grasp, he has on several occasions stated his willingness to take the city by force if necessary.If the LNA’s military control and social support for Haftar increases in western Libya, Haftar may no longer see any value in paying lip service to the UN process and could attempt to achieve his aim of taking Tripoli through force or via a series of alliances on the ground.The externalisation of the EU’s borders advances hand in hand with its partnership with North Africa, revolving more around guaranteeing the former’s energy security and the latter’s stability.Paradoxically, economic globalisation and the reinforcement of national sovereignty in the face of the refugee and migration crisis advance in a mutually reinforcing fashion, shaking hands and breaking alternative political projects based on multiculturalism.